Quite possibly
the only true thing the leader of Holyrood’s opposition party, Ruth Davidson,
has uttered is her belief that we have passed, in her own phrase, “peak Nat”. Whether that is as true as Davidson would
like it to be and that the SNP suffer 20-30 seat losses in three weeks remains
to be seen. It somehow feels that for all we were lauding the Imperial phase of
the SNP, this era has now ended.
The Tories remake of the video for Cher's "If I Could Turn Back Time" proves to be a hit with the media. |
Arguably the
thinking about how to play this election has lead to some muddled arguments from
the SNP. Should they make this about
Independence or should this be about Brexit and the holding of the government’s
feet to the fire in relation to the EU referendum. As a result, we have seen the SNP move away
from Independence thought still saying that this election will have no bearing
on their plans to hold a second Independence referendum. This is a card that both Labour and the Conservatives
are flipping and trying to turn into an issue.
That both parties
are attempting to run an openly anti-Independence campaign perhaps says more
about the thinking behind both parties than it does about the SNP. For “Scottish” Labour, this is a line which
has directly led them to being deposed as the SNP’s strongest challengers. “Scottish” Labour’s out and out hostility alienated lots of left
wing voters, attracted not just by the SNP but the idea that “Another Scotland
is Possible” to borrow the Common Weal’s tagline. You would, have though that having seen lots
of voters decamp to the SNP would cause Scottish Labour to pause for
thought. I think however it’s not their
hostility to Independence which has done for them, more their unreconstructed
hatred of the SNP resulting in a dislike of everything the SNP do. This non constructive approach, which led to
the #SNPBad hashtag and the ensuing ridicule which also drives away potential
voters.
The Conservatives
on the other hand have only recently hardened their stance on Independence and
have seen some electoral success thanks to that new found ‘standing up for the
union’ stance. They took four FPTP seats
in last years Holyrood Election, Jackson Carlaw’s victory in Eastwood on a
swing of 5.7% to unseat Ken MacIntosh and to deprive the SNP of victory could
perhaps be seen as the start of the Tories revival and proof that Davidson was
on to something in standing up for the 55%ers.
More than the vagaries of the list vote, it was the SNP’s loss of seats
to the Lib Dem’s (North East Fife on a swing of 9.5% and Edinburgh Western on a
swing of 7.8%) which deprived the SNP of a second Holyrood majority.
Top 8 Conservative
Target Seats
|
||
Seat
|
SNP
Vote
|
Swing
Required
|
Berwickshire, Roxborough & Selkirk
|
20,145
|
0.3%
|
Dumfries & Galloway
|
23,440
|
5.8%
|
Aberdeen West & Kincardine
|
22,949
|
6.4%
|
Perth & North Perthshire
|
27,379
|
8.9%
|
Moray
|
24,384
|
9.2%
|
East Renfrewshire*
|
23,013
|
9.3%
|
Aberdeen South*
|
20,221
|
9.4%
|
Edinburgh South West*
|
22,168
|
11.4%
|
* = currently third placed in this constituency
While the SNP are
perfectly correct in saying that they hold a mandate to hold a second
referendum thanks to that Holyrood win, perhaps the question should be whether
they should. With the EU Referendum and
the result of the last UK Election, everything has changed. Except that nothing has really changed at all
with the SNP’s outlook towards selling an Independent Scotland firmly within
the EU. And that’s a problem when there’s
a sizable minority happy to be leaving the EU.
The other issue the SNP have created is their creation of and interpretation
of “material change”. It is this interpretation
which, given the Holyrood election last year, might backfire.
For the first
time, and due in no small thanks to the EU Referendum, the SNP are not in
control of the narrative. The signs
though were there in the Holyrood elections with those unexpected reverses to
the Lib Dems. It is the Conservative’s
who are in charge of the media narrative and the SNP on the defensive. While we are certainly past peak Tsunami SNP,
and this was self evident two weeks ago whether you believed in the nominal
figures or not, whether we have gone past ‘peak Nat’ is another matter entirely. The latest polling suggests a swing to the
Tories of around 10.5%. If this is to be
believed, then both Pete Wishart (Perth & North Perthshire) and the
Westminster Leader Angus Robertson (Moray) are at risk of losing their seats to
their Conservative opponents.
Top 5
Lib Dem Target Seats
|
||
Seat
|
SNP
Vote
|
Swing
Required
|
East Dumbartonshire
|
22,093
|
2.0%
|
Edinburgh West
|
21,378
|
3.0%
|
North East Fife
|
18,523
|
4.8%
|
Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross
|
15,831
|
5.6%
|
Ross, Skye & Lochaber
|
20,119
|
6.2%
|
Polling also
suggests a drop in support for the SNP.
It might be because of the SNP’s post EU referendum tactics or it could
be because of dissatisfaction with the SNP’s performance as Scottish
Government. This drop could also enable
the Lib Dem’s to repeat their trick from Holyrood. The Westminster equivalent’s to the seats
taken by the Lib Dem’s last May do appear in the five winnable seats but are
topped by John Nicholson’s East Dumbartonshire.
The re-run of 2015 with Jo Swinson attempting to retake this seat looks
like being a contest to watch.
The Tory narrative
is to vote for them to derail Indyref 2.
I think the only way that this can be derailed will be if the Tories
make big gains, gains which at the moment look highly unlikely, having said
that I think that the SNP can maybe afford three losses. On the other hand, if the Lib Dem’s regain
North East Fife and Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross and if Pete Wishart
or Angus Robertson lose their seats to the Tories – scenarios which are likely – then all of
a sudden the narrative shifts once again and Indyref 2 will look like a not
very winnable prospect.
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